Madagascar Roundup: Political resets, governance battles, economic repositioning shape national outlook

The empire of rats: How a presidency became the headquarters of a state mafia

Since Rajoelina’s transition, Madagascar has been less governed than managed as a hunting ground for a privileged elite. The Presidential Palace became a hub of organised predation, where advisers ran a disciplined criminal network, shaping decrees, controlling contracts, and striking opaque deals with foreign companies. “Development” became a code for kickbacks. Cabinet members advanced mining and land deals that benefited their clans while blocking essential public services, and intelligence agents enforced the system by suppressing dissent around this core, operating intermediaries who managed laundering, transfers, and offshore channels that drained national wealth. In mining regions, forests were razed, rivers polluted, and gold smuggled out weekly under official protection, investment in name but a liquidation of sovereignty in practice.

The transitional pill or the subtle art of confiscating the nation!

In Malagasy political life, certain words are used so often they lose meaning, and “transition” is one of them. It suggests a temporary passage toward renewed democracy, yet our history shows that transitions have never been passages at all. They become lucrative interludes, zones outside normal political rules, where the state stops functioning as an institution and instead becomes an asset controlled by a small circle. A transition has no ideology, no vision, and no project beyond its own survival. Its fuel is the Provisional, a space where nothing is fixed and those in power enjoy near-total freedom because everything remains undefined. In this context, the Provisional becomes a resource to be exploited. This is why transitional governments avoid clear political agreements: agreements close the parenthesis, limit their manoeuvring room, and impose deadlines they prefer to keep vague so the period where anything is possible, even the unspeakable, can continue.

The three little pigs of the republic: The presidency, mines, and finances

The orange-clad presidency did not govern; it operated like a multinational plunder corporation. It became the central server of an institutional mafia that turned the Malagasy administration into a trafficking hub sanctioned by decree. The Palace was less a seat of power than the headquarters of a white-collar family gang. Madagascar has been treated like an open-air supermarket through the hidden dominance of its mines. The sector wasn’t merely looted but emptied and ravaged with official approval. Across the south, southeast, and central regions, the pattern repeats: Chinese companies signing deals in hours, local authorities facilitating rather than overseeing, resources extracted without compensation or safeguards, and vast stretches of land left as abandoned craters.

The shadow of the ‘Tablieristes’: Why are we trapped in our own poverty?

Madagascar’s persistent poverty is not the work of fate or an ancient curse; it stems from the fact that real power has long operated outside formal institutions. Parallel networks and closed fraternities have placed their people throughout the administration, preventing the rise of a true public meritocracy. The state grew not through exams, standards, or independence, but through belonging to a clan, region, business group, or lodge. When the state is weak, these networks rule; when institutions fail, closed circles decide. The result is an administration suffocated by co-optation, appointments negotiated in back rooms, ministries run by loyalty instead of competence, and entire sectors controlled to protect insiders rather than serve the nation.

World Bank funding to align with refoundation priorities

Resources must respond to citizens’ needs, which is why Economy and Finance Minister Dr. Herinjatovo Ramiarison urges that World Bank funding align with the “Refoundation” Government’s priorities. He reiterated this during the review of World Bank–financed projects, noting that Madagascar has already set its goals: improving access to water and electricity, strengthening health, education, and security, and restoring citizens’ dignity. The focus now is accelerating implementation and ensuring concrete results. The 2023–2027 Country Partnership Framework (CPF) had already outlined the Bank’s strategy for inclusive and resilient growth, centered on three priorities: expanding employment opportunities, improving equitable access to public services, and strengthening resilience to shocks.